Aysa Org Za Project 2013 Content Uploads 2014 Spiritual Formation Children

ORIGINAL Enquiry

Family-based activeness settings of children in a low-income African context

Sadna BaltonI, II; Kitty UysThree; Erna AlantI, 4

ICenter for Alternate and Augmentative Communication, University of Pretoria, Pretoria, South Africa
IISpeech Therapy & Audiology, Chris Hani Baragwanath Academic Hospital, Soweto, Southward Africa
IIIDepartment of Occupational Therapy, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa
IvDepartment of Special Education, Indiana Academy, Bloomington, United States

Correspondence


ABSTRACT

Background: There has been an overwhelming call to improve the understanding of how children develop within an African context as Euro-American definitions of competence take been uncritically adopted equally the norm for children in Africa. The activities that children appoint in inside the family unit setting are seen as important to sympathize how children develop within context. The use of activity settings is closely aligned with a strengths-based perspective of family-centred exercise and contributes to improved sustainability of intervention.
OBJECTIVES: This study that was conducted in Soweto, South Africa, aims to depict activity settings that typically developing young children in low-income African contexts participate in.
METHOD: A descriptive pattern using structured interviews was utilised to obtain information virtually action settings that children aged 3-5 years and eleven months engaged in. Structured interviews with 90 caregivers were conducted.
RESULTS: Findings show that children participate in a variety of activities with varied participation levels. The types of activities are dependent on the context and perceptions of caregivers.
CONCLUSION: These findings describe attention to understanding activities that children engage in within the family context

Keywords: activity settings; civilization; family unit; indigenous knowledge; intervention; contribute; low income; utilised; Euro-American; poor sustainability.


Introduction

Children inside the African context have historically been judged by Euro-American definitions of competence, which accept uncritically been adopted every bit the norm for all children (Nsamenang 2008a, 2008b; Pence, Evans & Garcia 2008; Pence & Schafer 2006). Ecocultural theory proposes that indigenous conceptions of competence should exist uncovered by looking at how children are reared according to what parents know most what would be useful for their children within their specific communities (Berry 2003; Norton 1990). Diverse studies (Beckert, Strom & Strom 2004; Bornstein & Cote 2004; Evans, Matola & Nyeko 2008; Gaskins 1999; Geiger & Alant 2008; Rao, McHale & Pearson 2003) have shown that each civilization focuses on what is valued and valid within its specific context (Serpell & Marfo 2011; Super et al. 2011). According to Ecocultural theory, development occurs along pathways adamant by culture and gild, and actively chosen and engaged in by parents and children, within a detail cultural ecology (Weisner 2002; Weisner et al. 2005). These pathways consist of activities and practices that are viewed equally being the nearly important influences in the child's and family's life (Bernheimer & Weisner 2007). Children feel different kinds of learning opportunities, depending on where they live, what their parents enjoy doing and their values and desires for their children and families (Dunst & Bruder 1999). It is within this context that the family context provides developmental pathways for children, which are made up of the everyday routines that children engage in (Weisner 2002). The family therefore is the primary milieu in which children brainstorm to learn the competencies expected of them inside their culture and community (Britto & Ulkeur 2012; Turnbull, Turbiville & Turnbull 2000).

Action settings which consist of the everyday experiences and events that involve the child'south interactions with various people and the environment have been recommended as the method of looking at the child within context (Farver 1999; Trivette, Dunst & Hamby 2004). Through participation in activity settings, children learn what is expected of them and learn how to make up one's mind which activities are considered appropriate or inappropriate (Tudge et al. 2013). According to Weisner (2002), parents want children to have the dispositions that would help them gain relevant skills to maintain a respectful life in their community and family. Children learn these skills through activity settings, which provide an understanding of how families structure their time, based on tradition, the socio-economic system within which they alive and the orientations provided by culture (Goldenberg, Gallimore & Reese 2001; Tudge et al. 2013). Activities are therefore useful units for cultural analysis, considering they are meaningful for both parents and children (Weisner 2002).

Dunst (2007) defined early childhood intervention every bit the experiences and opportunities afforded to children with disabilities past their parents and other caregivers that are intended to promote their competencies to shape and influence their interactions with people and objects. It therefore becomes critical for early childhood interventionists to gain insight into the activities that young children are exposed to within family settings every bit this influences their participation, engagement and learning.

This article describes the of activities that children living in Soweto, Southward Africa, participate in inside the family context. The types of activities, frequency of participation and the importance of activities as rated past caregivers are discussed.

Method

Design

A descriptive design using structured interviews was utilised to obtain information about the activity settings that children anile 3-5 years and 11 months engaged in. Face-to-face up interviews with 90 caregivers were conducted. A structured interview schedule consisting of a written list of closed-concluded and open up-ended questions was used. This approach was chosen every bit it holds no bias against participants who have varied literacy levels. Ethical clearance was obtained from the ideals committee in the Kinesthesia of Humanities at the academy.

Setting

Participants reside in Soweto, Southward Africa. Soweto is a big residential urban area where a diverse group of African cultural groups reside. This metropolis has seen rapid development and transformation over the past few years (Phadi & Ceruti 2011). However, a large proportion of Soweto's residents remain unemployed (Patel 2012) and accommodation is more often than not limited to small houses with limited space (Seekings 2000). The extended family system, which consists of multi-generational female person-headed households, is still the well-nigh prevalent structural family form in Soweto (Moeno 2006).

Sampling

Permission to conduct the written report at African Self-Help Clan'southward (ASHA) crèches in Soweto, South Africa, was obtained in writing from the director of ASHA. Iv crèches were randomly selected from a group of xl crèches run by a non-governmental organization in Soweto. Consent letters were sent to the caregivers of children who met the choice criteria of being betwixt iii and 5 years and 11 months with no known inability. Typically developing children were identified by the ASHA's inclusion coordinator who is responsible for developmental screening at the crèches. Participants were selected through a stratified sampling procedure that accounted for historic period, gender and evolution. Ninety participants were assigned to groups of children from three-, four- and v-twelvemonth age groups with equal gender representation among the children.

Participants

The majority (56%, due north = 50) of participants were mothers, followed past grandmothers (20%, n = 20), fathers (10%, north = ix) and others which included cousins, siblings and neighbours (10%, north = 9) and aunts (4%, north = 4). The age of participants ranged from 16 to 72 years, with 52% of participants existence nether 32 years, 22% between 35 and 45 years, 17% between 46 and 59 years and 9% over 60 years. Of the participants, only 20% completed higher education; 38% completed matric, which is the final twelvemonth of high school in Due south Africa; 31% completed secondary school; 10% completed senior master; and one% completed junior primary. The monthly income of the majority (75%) of families was below the minimum individual taxable income of R4500.00 (USD $67.79) per calendar month (S African Revenue Services [SARS] 2008). An average of 5.6 family members share a four-room house.

Description of interview schedule

The interview schedule was based on the Parent Survey of Dwelling house and Family unit Experiences (Dunst & Bruder 1999). Permission to utilize the survey was obtained in a face-to-face meeting with ane of the authors. The survey was adapted for the South African context through an expert panel and focus group discussions (Balton 2009). The proficient panel consisted of three oral communication therapy assistants employed at a hospital in Soweto. The speech therapy assistants have over 20 years of experience each in working with families from the Soweto customs and also alive inside the same community every bit the target population. The interview schedule (Appendix 1) included a listing of closed-ended and open-concluded questions. Role 1 included biographical information and role 2 contained 50 closed-ended questions relating to activities that children participated in. The following eight chief categories of activities were included: (1) child routine activities (family mealtimes, bathing, dressing and undressing, toileting, washing hands, brushing teeth, haircut or styles, visiting the local clinic and carried on the dorsum); (2) play activities (running, jumping and chasing, playing with toys, pretend games, lap games, playing with water, playing with sand, mitt or finger games, 'mokuku' hide-and-seek, edifice blocks, arcade games and prison cell phone games); (3) early literacy activities (having a conversation, telling stories, listening to stories, reading or looking at books, colouring, drawing, painting, cut and pasting); (4) entertainment activities (watching tv, singing, listening to music and dancing); (5) chores (cleaning the thousand, washing socks and underwear, setting the tabular array, assisting with preparing meals and gardening); (6) spiritual activities (attending church, praying, attending an ancestral anniversary and attending funerals); (7) family unit activities (family gatherings, visiting family or friends in the neighbourhood and visiting the family or traditional dwelling house); (8) community activities (visiting shopping malls, eating out, going to the 'spaza' breezy shop, attention parties, attending weddings, taxi rides and visiting a park).

In part ii of the interview, participants were asked to comment on the frequency of participation and reasons for non-participation and to place the partners involved in the activeness with the child and state the main purpose of the activity. The participants were likewise required to charge per unit each activity in terms of its importance for learning on a calibration of 1-3, with 1 = non important, 2 = of import and iii = very important. Part 3 of the interview was equanimous of 4 open-ended questions to obtain insight into caregiver behavior and perceptions virtually activities.

General procedures

Information drove procedures

The scripted, structured face-to-face interviews were conducted by the researcher at one of three crèches. The interviews were audio-taped and took approximately 35 minutes to complete. The researcher commenced the interview past stating its purpose and assuasive participants time for questions. Instructions were read out exactly as they appeared on the interview schedule, post-obit a sequential order of questions and using the same material for all interviews (Mathers, Fox & Hunn 2002). The responses were recorded direct on the interview schedule. The interview concluded with the interviewer thanking the participant and assuasive time for any farther questions almost the study.

Reliability of data

Thirty per cent of the interviews were randomly selected by two voice communication-language therapists who checked the reliability of the recording and the coding of information (McMillan & Schumacher 2001). Inter-rater agreement of 100% was achieved.

Data analysis

The information were analysed using both qualitative and quantitative methods. Descriptive statistical procedures, in item frequency tables, were used to organise the information collected. The results were quantified in terms of ways, standard deviation, frequencies and relationships betwixt variables. A content analysis procedure was conducted on responses to open-ended questions in guild to identify common categories that were and then utilised to establish codes.

Ethical considerations

Upstanding clearance was obtained from the ethical committee at the University of Pretoria, reference number: 21277177.

Results

Table 1 shows the per centum participation rate in activities also as the frequency (daily, weekly, monthly and annually or none) of participation. Participation levels were subjectively divided into high (80% - 100%), moderate (fifty% - 79%) and low (< l%). High daily participation was recorded for family meals (100%), bathing (100%), dressing and undressing (100%), toileting (100%), washing easily (100%), brushing teeth (99%), having a conversation (95%), watching goggle box (92%) and listening to music (87%). Moderate daily participation rates were indicated for playing with toys and praying (78%), singing (72%), dancing (57%), colouring and pretend games (52%), playing with water and reading and looking at books. High weekly participation rates were recorded for attending church (72%) and visiting shopping malls (56%). Moderate monthly participation rates were indicated for attending parties (67%), having a haircut (61%), eating out (59%), family gatherings and going to the clinic (52%).

Depression participation rates (< l%) were reported for attention weddings (49%), cleaning the yard (48%), washing socks and underwear and prison cell telephone games (44%), setting the tabular array (38%), assisting with preparation of meals (37%), attending an ancestral anniversary and gardening (35%) and attention funerals (nineteen%).

Caregiver perceptions of activities that are important for learning

Caregivers were asked to rate the importance of activities for learning past stating if an activity was very important, important or non of import. The results displayed in Table ii indicate the mean score obtained, with the maximum being three and the minimum i. Activities rated as very important have a mean of 2.5-3.0, activities rated as of import have a mean of ii.00-2.49 and not important has a hateful score of < ii (see Table 2).

The categories rated as very important for learning include nearly child routine activities and all early on literacy activities, with colouring, drawing and painting (mean = ii.74, SD = 0.43) rated the nigh important of all activities. Other activities in this category include having a conversation (mean = 2.68, SD = 0.46), reading or looking at books (mean = 2.65, SD = 0.47), listening to stories (hateful = ii.62, SD = 0.51), cutting and pasting (mean = 2.61, SD = 0.51) and telling stories (mean = 2.53, SD = 0.fifty). Spiritual activities rated as very important consisted of attending church (mean = 2.74, SD = 0.45) and praying (mean = two.66, SD = 0.47). All activities in the entertainment, chores and family unit category were rated as important for learning. Most play activities except for playing with h2o and playing with sand were rated as important for learning. Two activities from the play category, namely playing with water and playing with sand, were rated as not important for learning.

Caregivers were as well requested to state what they viewed as the main purpose of an activity according to the following categories: fun, piece of work, socialisation, care, educational, exercise, spiritual and other. The percent was calculated for each category (see Table 3).

Results show that near activities from the play and entertainment categories were perceived as fun, while family activities were considered to serve the purpose of socialisation. Only four activities were perceived care, as these were from the child routine and community categories. Activities identified as educational were mainly from the early literacy and kid routine categories. No play activities were highly rated as educational. All activities in the spiritual activity category were considered as having a spiritual purpose. An insignificant percentage of activities were seen as piece of work or being done for the purpose of practice.

Open-ended questions

The first open-ended question aimed at determining if at that place were any activities that the children participated in which were not included in the questionnaire. Of the participants, 54% did not add any further activities and 24% added play activities which included soccer, wrestling and basketball. The second open-concluded question explored what participants considered as important lessons that children should learn from home. Fifty per cent of participants identified morals and values as important lessons, 48% identified self-care and hygiene while only 22% stated that educational and literacy activities were important lessons from dwelling house. The 3rd open-ended question surveyed participants' perceptions on what activities the kid enjoyed virtually at habitation. Of the participants, fourscore% stated that children enjoyed playing, 58% listed amusement and social activities and 56% stated that children enjoyed singing and dancing. The forth open-ended question required the respondents to share their perceptions on how children learnt, from which 4 themes were identified. Fifty-three per cent of participants stated that children learnt best by participating in activities, 27% stated through spending time with family, 19% stated by being at a crèche and 12% stated through observation.

Word

Families provide a rich cultural context in which children larn and develop (Carpenter 2000). Gaining insight into children's activity settings within the family context is of import as families prefer intervention approaches that can hands be incorporated into their daily lives (Sheldon & Rush 2001) and are congruent with their behavior and practices. The discussion will focus on the frequency of participation in activities inside the eight categories identified earlier also as how these activities provide an opportunity for learning inside the family context.

Child routine activities, which are mainly essential for daily care, have the highest weekly participation rates and were rated by participants equally very of import for learning (come across Table ii). This is consistent with the literature, as Dunst, Meter and Hamby (2001) suggest that the repetitiveness and frequency of occurrence of routine activities provide children with an opportunity to larn and do new skills within context. The importance of self-care and hygiene was stated equally an of import lesson from dwelling house and seen by almost participants as having an educational purpose. These activities also permit children to proceeds insight into family unit culture. Larson and colleagues explicate that mealtime is seen as a vehicle of culture because 'through mealtime activities and conversation, family unit members often enact and reaffirm cultural meanings and create new meaning' (Larson, Branscomb & Wiley 2006:iii). Jarret, Bahar and Kersh (2014) showed that low-income African American caregivers showed that they valued family mealtimes and acknowledged the benefits for family life. Various studies have shown the benefits of family mealtimes; this activeness provides an opportunity for children to learn new words in context (Beals 1997), for parents to mind to children talk nigh their daily lives (Fulkerson et al. 2010) and has also been associated with enhancing family cohesion and contributing to positive developmental outcomes. A study conducted past De Grace et al. (2016) showed the benefits of improved social and family outcomes for children with special therapeutic and behavioural needs. The positive benefits of family mealtimes highlight the need for early babyhood interventionists to await at strategies to increase the participation of children with disabilities in this key family activity.

The role of play in child development has historically been applied by looking at it through the lens of western cultures. According to Roopnarine and Davidson (2015:231), play is 'culturally situated, and mothers and fathers support play in multiple ways across cultures and fourth dimension' This depends on how the community is structured, how play is divers and the kind of significance attributed to play past the community (Göncü et al. 1999). Children in this report most frequently engage in running, jumping and chasing, playing with toys and pretend games. Participants viewed most play activities every bit having a fun purpose for children. These results correlate with a written report of 127 families across 28 developing countries which found that taking children outdoors and play were the near predominant activities that children were involved in (Bornstein & Putnick 2012). Pretend play themes are often linked to culture (Nielsen, Cucchiaro & Mohamedally 2012) equally different cultural groups may engage in pretend play for different purposes and play themes may vary co-ordinate to children'southward settings (Göncü et al. 1999). Participants in the focus groups that were office of the preparatory phase of this written report stated that children liked pretending to be a female parent by tying a doll on their backs, or beingness a taxi driver or a instructor. These are the roles that children are regularly exposed to in their daily settings. Furth (1996) showed how cultural practices link to pretend play in a township in Durban, South Africa, where children were pretending to slaughter a cow which is a 'real-world' activity that is transferred into children'due south pretend globe (Göncü et al. 1999). Results indicate that children oftentimes participate in h2o play which is seen as having a fun purpose, and was rated equally not of import for learning. Caregiver views on water play may be related to the fact that h2o is considered an expensive commodity in South Africa. Water is free up to 6000 L per household and usage is monitored past pre-pay water metres (Ruiters 2007). This resource is likewise shared past large families and sometimes by more than one family and is therefore unlikely to exist used in play activities. The lower frequency of play with sand could exist that most families practise not continue gardens considering it is expensive to maintain considering of the price of water and that access to sand may exist limited because of lack of space (Balton 2009). Early on interventionists need to explore alternate activities within the family unit context that can provide children with alternate sensory experiences that sand and water play would expose them to. This could include activities such as profitable with washing vegetables for cooking, helping to measure and mix ingredients during baking and making a fruit salad to explore unlike textures.

Colouring, drawing and pasting was rated as the most important activity for learning; this is an interesting ranking equally it was seen equally more of import than reading or looking at books and telling stories. This perception may exist based on the nature of activities that children have home from school or that colouring and drawing may not require developed supervision. Children appoint in conversation on a daily basis, and the topics of these conversations include what they did at school, details of their play with friends and discussions of what they watched on tv (Balton 2009). Telling stories occurs less frequently than listening to stories, which has been identified equally a means for family history to be shared with young children, thus providing an avenue for values to be imparted (Sameroff & Fiese 2000). Participants in the focus group stage of this study stated that grandmothers oft told children stories about their past to teach children lessons and for them to learn about their family's history (Balton 2009). According to Ouduaran (2013), in African civilisation, grandmothers often teach younger generations well-nigh African wisdom and culture through storytelling.

Children's participation in entertainment activities is important for literacy development equally information technology increases children'south power to shape and understand the available meanings in any number of expressive systems including the media, the arts and pop civilization (Dills 2007; Eisner 1998). Children'due south high participation rate for watching television suggests that this activity plays a significant function in their daily experiences. Results also showed that lxx% of the participants perceive watching tv as having an educational purpose. Children are allowed to watch television considering it is believed to improve their English equally well equally their concentration, and that it is much safer than playing outdoors (Balton 2009). This sentiment on prophylactic was echoed by Jordan (2005) who interviewed 42 families who live in loftier-crime areas, where watching television was seen every bit a safe and relatively inexpensive way of keeping immature children occupied. Burdette and Whitaker (2005) also plant in a sample of 20 large cities in in the United States (United states) that mothers' perceptions of neighbourhood safe impacted on children'due south viewing time. Their findings showed that children who lived in neighbourhoods that were perceived as unsafe watched more television.

Children's high participation in singing, dancing and listening to music could be ascribed to the fact that music and music making is an inherent part of Due south African culture which assists in the manual of its cultural heritage (Woodward 2007). These activities, particularly music, are highly accessible in daily life in varied settings (Getz et al. 2011). Participants viewed singing and listening to music as fun and educational; one of the participants in the focus grouping stated that he got his child to sing the national canticle to acquire nigh his country (Balton 2009). This is important as researchers in the field of early on literacy have realised that promoting literacy at home no longer ways recreating academic settings inside the domicile but rather taking advantage of opportunities that ascend in daily life to aid children's transition towards literacy (Cutspec 2006). Interventionists demand to accept cognisance of these activities equally potential avenues for facilitating early on literacy, considering a high number of children frequently engage in them and considering participants identified the educational worth of these activities.

Religion and spirituality play an important role in children's lives and are vital to family relationships (Bartowski, Xu & Levin 2008) and in African traditional exercise, religion is integral to people'southward cultural groundwork (Van Rensburg et al. 2013). Very high daily participation rates for praying and attending church weekly are shown in Table 2. Participants in the focus groups reported that children nourish church to learn about their religion to become good Christians, to acquire how to pray and to be thankful to God for what they have (Balton 2009). Religious action is besides reported to increase children'due south resilience and provide a sense of coherence within the family (Bartowski et al. 2008; Mercer 2006; Werner 2000). About participants identified morals and values every bit of import lessons from dwelling, which ties in with the high participation rate for spiritual activities.

Community life also provides children with a range of experiences in the contexts of family unit outings, community celebrations and other community activities (Dunst 2001). In recent years, visiting shopping malls has rapidly become an important and valuable 'cultural' form which is popularly seen as a mixture of convenience and leisure (Murray 1997). The accessibility of shopping malls to residents of Soweto has increased over the past 5 years, with ii major malls built in 2005 and another three in 2007 (Mazibuko 2007). Visits to shopping malls are linked to participation in other activities like playing arcade games and eating out. Participants in the focus groups stated that they prefer to take children to the shopping malls considering they were safer than other spaces like community parks. The high participation charge per unit for visiting shopping malls highlights the lack of safe spaces for children to play in communities.

The activity that well-nigh children participate in at to the lowest degree once a month is going to the 'spaza shop', which is a home-based enterprise often within walking distance of children's homes (Ligthelm 2005). This errand is reported to provide children with opportunities to larn about the environment, the dynamics of interacting with others and offers the opportunity to practise being helpful and responsible, which are important lessons in African culture (Nsamenang 1992).

The lower participation levels for existence carried on the dorsum were attributed to the age of children in this study. The reasons provided by participants for children'due south lower participation levels for riding a bike or scooter and playing with blocks are ascribed to the lack of coin to purchase these toys (Balton 2009). Children'southward participation in playing arcade games, which are relatively expensive, highlights caregiver's concerns related to rubber every bit these games are played in a contained expanse under developed supervision. The findings of studies conducted in Commonwealth of australia by Carver, Timperio and Crawford (2008) and Veitch et al. (2006) and in Due south Africa by Kruger and Chawla (2005) concur with this statement. Their research ended that parents' problems nearly the safe of their children playing in places other than their own yard were influenced by concerns surrounding strangers, gangs and road traffic. The physical settings have also influenced children's participation in 'mokuku' (hibernate-and-seek) equally caregivers stated concerns about safety and lack of infinite.

Many shopping malls have been congenital in Soweto over the past v years; this has increased the availability of fast food outlets with almost children eating out at least one time a month. The mean score for taxi rides also indicates that most children travel by taxi once a month, which relates to the results which show that activities away from dwelling and which require more money occur less frequently. Other activities which children participate in at least once a month include attending parties and family gatherings. While children'due south participation in chores in parts of Africa have historically been an expected activity (Nsamenang 1992), results showed that the merely chore action that most children participate in is washing socks and underwear. Children's participation in chores and work-related activities tin can be attributed to a number of factors and identifying a causal relationship is non possible for this complex matter. Poverty, social and economic factors, children's rights, family size, female person-headed households and whether it is an urban or rural community are some of the factors identified, which have impact on children's participation in piece of work-related activities (Cummings 2016). The reason for children's low participation in chores could be attributed to the young age grouping investigated in this study, the larger family unit construction where other family members take on the responsibilities or that children spend a large proportion of their time at crèche.

Children hardly ever participated in chores like cleaning the yard and family activities such equally visiting the family or traditional home. While participation levels were loftier for religious activity, it was much lower for traditional practices such every bit ancestral ceremonies and attendance at funerals. This could be considering cardinal traditional practices have been replaced by modern ones (Evans, Matola & Nyeko 2008). Less frequent visits are likewise conducted to the family or traditional home with participants stating that children visit at least once a year. This is understandable within the context of urbanisation, often implying that the traditional home is far from where families live and visiting would therefore incur expenses that the family unit may not be able to afford. Children'south visits to the park were reported as less frequent, which could be because of the fright of exposure to drugs, violence, vandalism and parents having less time available considering of various stressors (Milteer & Ginberg 2012). Participants in the focus group phase of the study stated that they did not consider parks as condom for children every bit they were not clean and often had broken glass on the field and that in that location were possible criminal and drug-related activities taking place at these places (Balton 2009).

Determination

Participants in this written report believe that children learn most by participating in activities and past observing others. The results show that children are exposed to different types of activities and experiences depending on the behavior, values, practices and resource of families. This was highlighted by children'southward high participation in care, play and spiritual activities as well as lower participation in certain chores and educational activities like cutting and pasting. Participation in activities is besides determined past access to resources (water and sand play and eating out), the lack of safe and security, which has possibly affected activities like increased visits to shopping malls and decreased visits to parks. Interventionists need to develop an understanding of family activities and integrate developmental goals inside these.

This study has assisted in building on the 'indigenous' knowledge base of children and families in an African context, thus heeding the call to increase the cognition base 'nearly Africa for Africa' (Pence et al. 2008). The employ of action settings is closely aligned to the strengths-based perspective of family-centred practice. The findings have increased the knowledge base regarding children inside their natural environments, with these environments existence rich in opportunities for learning; furthermore, the findings also contribute to (Pence & Marfo 2008):

evolution of a scientific discipline of child evolution that is not narrowly synthetic on the lives of a small minority of the world'southward children, but rather a scientific discipline that opens upwards to other populations and other possibilities. (p. 85)

This study was conducted in a South African urban setting and cannot necessarily be generalised to other African contexts.

Acknowledgements

The author would like to thank Prof. Shakila Dada from the Academy of Pretoria Centre for Alternate and Augmentative Communication for encouraging her to write this article and supporting her through the process.

This commodity is based on the first author'south unpublished thesis titled 'Family-based action settings of typically developing three-to-five-year old children in a low-income African context' currently uploaded onto an academic repository bachelor at https://repository.up.ac.za/handle/2263/28788.

Competing interests

The authors declare that they accept no financial or personal relationships that may accept inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.

Authors' contributions

S.B. was the primary writer of this commodity. K.U. and E.A. were the inquiry supervisors of S.B.

Funding information

Funding for this study was provided past the National Research Foundation.

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Correspondence:
Sadna Balton
mwsadna@mweb.co.za

Received: 07 Feb. 201
Accepted: xxx Aug. 2018
Published: 23 Apr. 2019

Appendix 1: Interview schedule.


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