Aung San Suu Kyi Aung San Suu Kyi Family

Burmese revolutionary leader

This article is well-nigh Aung San. For his girl, run into Aung San Suu Kyi.

Major Full general Bogyoke Aung San
အောင်ဆန်း
Premier of British Crown Colony of Burma
In part 26 September 1946 – xix July 1947
Preceded by	Sir Paw Tun
Succeeded by	Part abolished U Nu as Prime number Minister
Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of War of the State of Burma
In office ane Baronial 1943 – 27 March 1945
Preceded by	Function created
Succeeded by	Office abolished
President of the Anti-Fascist People'south Liberty League
In office 27 March 1945 – 19 July 1947
Preceded by	Office created
Succeeded by	U Nu
General Secretary of Communist Party of Burma
In part 15 Baronial 1939 – 1940
Preceded by	Role created
Succeeded by	Thakin Soe
Personal details
Born	Htein Lin (1915-02-13)13 February 1915 Natmauk, Magwe, British Burma
Died	xix July 1947 (1947-07-xx) (aged 32) Rangoon, British Burma
Cause of death	Bump-off
Resting place	Martyrs' Mausoleum, Myanmar
Nationality	Myanmar
Political party	Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League Communist Party of Burma Burma Socialist Party Thakin Gild
Spouse(s)	Khin Kyi ​ (m. )​
Children	Aung San Oo Aung San Lin Aung San Suu Kyi Aung San Chit
Parent(south)	U Phar (father) Daw Su (female parent)
Relatives	Ba Win (brother) Sein Win (nephew) Alexander Aris (grandson) Kim Aris (grandson)
Alma mater	Rangoon Academy Yenangyaung High Schoolhouse
Occupation	Political leader, major general
Known for	Father of the Nation of modern-day Myanmar, Founder of the Myanmar War machine and Founder of All Burma Educatee Marriage (subsequently known as All Burma Federation of Student Unions)
Signature
Armed forces service
Allegiance	Burma Independence Regular army Burma National Regular army Imperial Japanese Army
Rank	Major general (highest rank in military at that time)

Aung San (Burmese: ဗိုလ်ချုပ် အောင်ဆန်း ; MLCTS: aung hcan: , pronounced [àʊɰ̃ sʰáɰ̃]; thirteen February 1915 – xix July 1947) was a Burmese politician, independence activist and revolutionary. Aung San is the founder of the Myanmar Armed Forces, and is considered the Father of the Nation of modern-mean solar day Myanmar. He was instrumental in Burma's independence from British rule, but was assassinated merely six months earlier his goal was realized.

Devoted to ending British rule in Burma, Aung San founded or was closely associated with many Burmese political groups and movements and explored various schools of political thought throughout his life. He was a life-long anti-imperialist and studied communism and socialism as a educatee, and Japanese Pan-Asianism upon joining the Japanese military. In his first year of academy he was elected to the executive committee of the Rangoon Academy Students' Union and served as the editor of its newspaper. He joined the Thakin Guild in 1938, working every bit its general secretarial assistant, and founded both the Communist Party of Burma and the Burma Socialist Party.

Shortly before the outbreak of World War II, Aung San fled Burma and went to Communist china to solicit foreign support for Burmese independence. He was recruited by Suzuki Keiji, a Japanese regular army intelligence officer stationed in Thailand, who promised support. Aung San recruited a minor core of Burmese revolutionaries later on known every bit the Thirty Comrades and left for Nippon. During the Japanese occupation of Burma, he served as the government minister of war in the Nippon-backed State of Burma led by Dr. Ba Maw. Every bit the tide turned against Nihon, he switched sides and merged his forces with the Allies to fight against the Japanese. After World War II, he negotiated Burmese independence from Britain in the Aung San-Attlee agreement. He served as the fifth Premier of the British Crown Colony of Burma from 1946 to 1947. He led his party, the Anti-Fascist People's Liberty League, to victory in the 1947 Burmese general election, but he and most of his cabinet were assassinated soon before the country became independent.

Aung San'southward daughter, Aung San Suu Kyi, is a stateswoman, political leader, and Nobel Peace Prize laureate. She was Burma's Land Counsellor and its 20th (and offset female) Minister of Foreign Affairs in Win Myint'due south Cabinet until the 2021 Myanmar coup d'état.

Ancestry [edit]

Aung San'south parents were U Phar, a Chin lawyer, and Daw Su. U Phar, his male parent, was very introverted and reserved. According to Aung San, U Phar studied law and passed his bar test third in his class of 174, but after his didactics ended he never went on to work as a lawyer, instead focusing on doing business. U Phar died at the age of 51, when Aung San was in 8th grade.^[i]

Aung San's paternal grandmother was Daw Thu Sa,^[two] whose family traced their lineage from the royal family unit of the Pagan Kingdom through its final king, Narathihapate. Daw Thu Sa had several cousins who had worked inside the government of the terminal Burmese kingdom. One of her cousins, Bo Min Yaung, had been the royal treasurer during the reign of Male monarch Mindon. King Mindon awarded Bo Min Yaung the title of "Mahar Min Kyaw Min Htin", an honorary title similar to knighthood given to those who are not shut relatives of the Burmese majestic family. He had a reputation for having a gentle and soft personality.^[three]

Bo Min Yaung had a younger brother of the same name who had a smashing affect on Aung San'due south patriotic outlook.^[4] The younger Bo Min Yaung was remembered by Daw Thu Sa every bit being popular in his hometown for his handsomeness, forcefulness, writing power, and swordsmanship, which he practiced every day. Male monarch Mindon employed him in diplomatic service, and by the reign of Burma's last king, Thibaw, he had been appointed to administrate the region of Myo Lu Lin, close to the northern side of the Pegu Mountain Range in Upper Burma. Afterwards learning of King Thibaw'southward abdication and subsequent exile to western India post-obit the brief Third Anglo-Burmese State of war in 1885, Bo Min Yaung became angry, and made upwards his mind to resist the British.^[five] The rebellion failed. After his refusal to surrender, the British soldiers beheaded Bo Min Yaung.^[6]

Some sources accept reported Bo Min Yaung'southward human relationship to Aung San differently, claiming that he was Aung San'due south paternal grandfather, rather than his paternal grandmother'south cousin.^[7]

Early life [edit]

Aung San was born in the small town of Natmauk, Magway Commune, on 13 February 1915. The family was considered middle-class.^[8] He was the youngest of nine siblings; he had 3 older sisters and v older brothers.^[ii] Aung San'south name was given to him by 1 of his older brothers, Aung Than. Aung San received his chief didactics at a Buddhist monastic school in Natmauk, but he moved to Yenangyaung in grade 4 considering his eldest blood brother, Ba Win, had go the chief of the high school there.^[ix]

Aung San rarely spoke before the age of eight. As a teenager, he often spent hours reading and thinking solitary, oblivious to those around him. In his youth he was generally unconcerned with his appearance and clothing. In his earliest manufactures, published in the "Opinion" section of The Earth of Books, he opposed the credo of Western-fashion individualism supported by U Thant in favour of a social philosophy based on the "standardization of human life". Aung San after became friends with U Thant through their common friendship with U Nu.^[10]

University years [edit]

Portrait of the 1936 Oway mag'due south editorial committee

Portrait of the Rangoon University Student Spousal relationship in 1936

After Aung San entered Rangoon University in 1933, he apace became a educatee leader.^[eleven] He was elected to the executive committee of the Rangoon University Students' Union (RUSU). He so became editor of the RUSU's magazine Oway (Peacock's Call).^[12] Aung San was described by contemporary students every bit being charismatic and keenly interested in politics.^[8]

In February 1936 he was expelled from the university, along with U Nu, for refusing to reveal the proper name of the author of an article he had run in the student paper called "Hell Hound at Big", which criticized a senior university official.^[xiii] The expulsion led to the three-calendar month long Second Academy Students' Strike, afterwards which the university government reinstated Aung San and Nu.^[14]

The events of 1936 had a profound consequence on the future of Aung San. Earlier 1936 he was non well known exterior of Rangoon University, but during the student strike his name and image were published and discussed in daily newspapers, and he became known nationwide equally a nationalist revolutionary and a pupil leader. He also served in his commencement pupil leadership positions, get-go as secretary of the student cold-shoulder council and 2nd every bit the student representative for the government'southward Academy Act Amendment Committee, which the government formed in response to the strike. Later in 1936, after the student strike was over, he was elected the vice president of the Rangoon Academy Educatee Union. Because of his participation in the educatee strike he was non able to sit for the examination in 1936, and received his Bachelor of Arts in 1937.^[15]

After his graduation Aung San began studying for a police degree. His intention at the fourth dimension was to "take a shot at the examinations for the Indian Civil Service... and get into politics". Along with other pupil leaders he founded the All Burma Student Union (later on known as All Burma Federation of Student Unions) in 1937, in which he was elected general secretary. In 1938 he became the president of both the All Burma Student Matrimony and the Rangoon University Student Matrimony, but his pursuit of these commitments did not leave him plenty time to study, and he failed his exam in 1938. Subsequently 1938 he resolved to carelessness the pursuit of a conventional career and committed himself to revolutionary politics.^[16]

Thakin revolutionary [edit]

In October 1938, Aung San left his law classes and entered national politics. At this point, he was anti-British and staunchly anti-imperialist. He became a Thakin ("lord" or "master": a title often used as an informal title for Westerners in Burma; the usage by Burmese proclaimed that the Burmese people were the true masters of their land) when he joined the Dobama Asiayone ("Nosotros Burmans Association"). He acted equally its general secretary until August 1940. While in this office, he helped organize a series of countrywide strikes that became known as the ME 1300 Revolution. The proper name of this movement was based on the Burmese calendar twelvemonth 1300: in the Western calendar this year occurred between August 1938 and July 1939.^[17]

On 18 January 1939 the Dobama Asiayone declared its intention to use force in order to overturn the authorities, leading the authorities to crack downwardly on the system. On 23 January Constabulary raided their headquarters at Shwedagon Pagoda, arrested Aung San, and held him in prison for 15 days on charges of conspiracy to overthrow the regime, but these charges were dropped.^[xviii] Upon his release Aung San proposed a strategy of pursuing Burmese independence past staging countrywide strikes, anti-taxation drives, and guerrilla insurgency.^[xix]

In August 1939, Aung San became a founding fellow member and the first Secretary General of the Communist Party of Burma (CPB). Aung San afterwards claimed that his relationship with the CPB was not smooth, since he joined and left the party twice. Before long after founding the CPB, Aung San founded a like organization, alternatively known as either the "People's Revolutionary Party" or the "Burma Revolutionary Party". This party was Marxist, formed with the goal of supporting Burmese independence against the British. It survived and was reformed into the Burma Socialist Political party post-obit Earth State of war Ii.^[twenty]

Aung San was not paid for most of his work as a student or politician, and lived for most of this fourth dimension in a state of poverty. He was recognized by his peers for his potent piece of work ethic and organizational skills, but was sometimes criticized past them for having poor public relations skills or for a perceived airs. He never drank alcohol and abstained from romantic relationships.^[21]

The Second World War [edit]

Following the outbreak of World War 2 in September 1939 Aung San helped to institute another nationalist organisation, the Freedom Bloc, by forming an alliance between the Dobama, the All Burma Students Union, politically active monks, and Dr. Ba Maw'due south Poor Man'south Party.^[22] Dr. Ba Maw served equally the anarshin ("dictator") of the Freedom Bloc, while Aung San worked under him as the grouping'south general secretary. The grouping's goals were organized around the idea of taking advantage of the war to gain Burmese independence.^[23] The organization, goals, and tactics of the Freedom Bloc were modeled on the Indian revolutionary group "Frontwards Bloc", whose leader, Subhas Chandra Bose, was in regular contact with Ba Maw.^[24] In 1939, Aung San was briefly arrested on the grounds of conspiring to overthrow the regime by force, only was released^[19] subsequently seventeen days.^[25] Upon his release Aung San proposed a strategy of pursuing Burmese independence past staging countrywide strikes, anti-tax drives, and guerrilla insurgency.^[19]

In March 1940, he attended an Indian National Congress Assembly in Ramgarh, India,^[13] along with other Thakins, including Than Tun and Ba Hein. While there, Aung San met many leaders of the Indian independence movement, including Jawaharlal Nehru, Mahatma Gandhi, and Subhas Chandra Bose.^[26] When Aung San returned to Burma, he plant the Burmese authorities had issued a warrant for his arrest, and the abort of many other leaders of the Thakins and the Freedom Bloc, due to those organizations' efforts to organize a revolution confronting the British, at least partially with Japanese support.^{[27] [25] [26]}

Besides his other warrants, the district superintendent of Henzada, a man named "Xavier", had issued a advantage of 500 rupees for anyone who could capture Aung San. Some of Aung San'southward colleagues brash him to go to the Shanghai International Settlement and make contact with communist agents there, but he was in a bustle to get out and was unable to detect passage on a ship travelling to that city.^[25] On 14 Baronial 1939, Aung San and another Thakin colleague, Hla Myaing, boarded the Norwegian cargo send Hai Lee to Xiamen, Cathay.^[26] Neither Aung San nor Hla Myaing gave their existent names, identifying themselves as "Tan Luang Shun" and "Tan Su Taung".^[25] They wandered the city for several weeks with no precise plan and piddling coin, until they were intercepted past Japanese hugger-mugger police who convinced them to become to Nippon instead.^[19] The pair left for Tokyo via Taiwan and arrived in Japan on 27 September 1940.^[26]

Formation of the 30 Comrades [edit]

Aung San in Japan (correct), with Bo Allow Ya (Thakin Hla Pe) (left) and Bo Sekkya (Thakin Aung Than) (middle)

In May 1940 Japanese intelligence officers led by Suzuki Keiji had arrived in Yangon posing as journalists in gild to gather information and to seek the cooperation of local parties for the intended Japanese invasion of Burma, occupying an office at twoscore Judah Ezekiel Street for that purpose. Among their network of local collaborators they fabricated close connections with the Thakins, of which Aung San was a leading member. The familiarity of Japanese intelligence with prominent political actors in Burma ensured that they were aware of Aung San'south activities by the time he arrived in Japanese-occupied Red china.^[28]

Aung San spent the rest of 1940 in Tokyo, learning the Japanese linguistic communication and political ideology. At the time he wrote that he was opposed to Western individualism and that he intended to create an authoritarian state modelled on Nippon with "one state, one party, [and] one leader".^{[ citation needed ]} While in Japan he dressed in a Japanese Kimono and adopted a Japanese name, "Omoda Monji".^[29] During this time the Blue Print for a Free Burma was drafted. This document has been attributed to Aung San,^[thirty] though its authorship is disputed.^[31]

In February 1941 Aung San, working with Japanese intelligence, left Hla Myaing in Bangkok^[32] and secretly re-entered Burma and began efforts to contact and recruit additional Burmese agents to work with the Japanese. He entered the colony secretly through the port of Bassein, changed into a longyi, and booked a train to Rangoon using a pseudonym. Inside weeks he had recruited thirty of his sometime revolutionary colleagues and smuggled them out of the country via Japanese intelligence networks. These "Thirty Comrades" were taken to the Japanese-occupied island of Hainan for farther training. Aung San was twenty-five, the third-oldest of the group. While preparation on Hainan all thirty of the men took pseudonyms commencement with the word "Bo", meaning "officer", which had become a championship used past Westerners in Burma. Aung San took the nom de guerre "Bo Teza" ("Teza" means "fire"). The 30 Comrades trained for half dozen months on Hainan with Suzuki Keiji and other Japanese officers. Aung San, Ne Win, and Setkya all received special training, since the Japanese intended to identify them in senior positions in the Burmese government following the Japanese conquest of the territory.^[29]

Japanese invasion and wartime assistants [edit]

Between November and December 1941 Aung San and his political party were successful in recruiting approximately 3,500 Burmese volunteers from the Siam-Burma border to serve in their army. On 28 December 1941, Aung San and the rest of the Thirty Comrades formally inaugurated the Burma Independence Army in Bangkok.^[30] The event involved the thwe thauk ("blood drinking") ceremony, a tradition inherited from the Burmese aristocracy.^[33] The participants nerveless their blood from a cut in their artillery, mixing the participants' claret together with alcohol in a argent bowl, and drinking it while pledging eternal comradeship and loyalty. Three days later the BIA entered Burma backside the invading Japanese Fifteenth Army.^[thirty] The BIA left most of the fighting to the Japanese Army but occupied the areas backside Japanese lines after the British had retreated. The arrival of BIA units in many areas of Burma was followed by escalating communal violence, particularly confronting Karen people and others who held privileged positions and whom they believe to have oppressed the Buddhist Burmese during the British administration. The violence lasted for several weeks until the Japanese Army intervened.^[34]

The capital of Burma, Rangoon, barbarous to the Japanese as part of the Burma Campaign in March 1942. The BIA formed an administration for the country under Thakin Tun Oke that operated in parallel with the Japanese armed services administration until the Japanese disbanded it. In July, the disbanded BIA was re-formed as the Burma Defense force Army (BDA). Aung San was made a colonel and put in charge of the force.^[13] He was afterwards invited dorsum to Japan, and was presented with the Order of the Rise Sun by Emperor Hirohito.^[13]

On i Baronial 1943, the Japanese held an independence ceremony in Rangoon, in which they formally granted Burma independence on status that it would be nether a wartime assistants for the duration of the war. Burma was also required to declare war on the Allies. The Japanese had planned to brand Aung San the leader of the state, only in the end they were more impressed with Dr. Ba Maw, and fabricated him the leader instead, giving him virtually dictatorial control under their direction. Aung San was made the second virtually powerful person in the authorities. The government was modelled after Japan, and intentionally eschewed democratic principles and patterns of government. The army, still under the control of Aung San, took their motto, "1 Blood, 1 Voice, I Command" at this time. It is even so the official motto of the Burmese armed forces.^[35]

Equally the tide of war turned against Japan, Aung San was increasingly skeptical of Japan's ability to win the war and made plans to organize an anti-Japanese insurgence in Burma, secretly forming the "Anti-Fascist People'due south Freedom League" in August 1944. He organized a secret meeting in Bago between the Burma National Regular army, the Communist Party of Burma, and the People's Revolutionary Party (which later on reformed into the Burma Socialist Party).^[36] Afterward this meeting, Aung San's forces began to secretly shop supplies in training of their fight confronting the Japanese. In belatedly March 1945, as Centrolineal forces advanced towards Rangoon, Aung San led the BNA in a parade in forepart of Government House in Rangoon, subsequently which they were sent by the Japanese to the forepart. A few days later, on 27 March, the BNA switched sides and attacked the Japanese instead.^[37] 27 March came to be commemorated as Resistance Day, until the war machine regime renamed information technology "Tatmadaw (Armed Forces) Day".

After the Burmese army began the attack on the Japanese, it was renamed the "Patriotic Burmese Forces" and its control structure was divided into 8 different regions. Aung San was given command of the starting time region, comprising the areas of Prome, Henzada, Tharrawaddy, and Insein. His designated political advisor was Thakin Ba Hein, a Communist Party leader. On 30 March, the Allied commander in Southeast Asia, Louis Montbatten, formally recognized the Burmese ground forces as "an Allied force".^[38]

The Burmese National Army continued to harass the Japanese throughout the balance of the state of war. When Allied forces retook Rangoon on ii May 1945, the BNA were symbolically sent into the urban center two days before any other soldiers. The Allies helped to arm Aung San'south forces somewhat after their defection, supplying the BNA with iii,000 small arms.^[39]

Aung San first met with Full general Slim on 16 May 1945, appearing unexpectedly in Slim'southward army camp in the uniform of a Japanese major general. At the meeting Aung San stated his intentions to ally with the British until the Japanese had been driven out of Burma, and agreed to incorporate his forces into Slim's British-led army. When Slim asked Aung San whether he was taking a risk by unexpectedly coming to his camp in the uniform of a Japanese officer and adopting a bold attitude, Aung San answered that he was not, "because you are a British officer." Slim later wrote that Aung San had made a skillful impression in the meeting.^[40]

Post World State of war II [edit]

World War Ii ended on 12 September 1945. Following the end of the war the Burma National Ground forces was renamed the Patriotic Burmese Forces (PBF), and so gradually disarmed past the British as the Japanese were driven out of diverse parts of the country.

The leaders of the Patriotic Burmese Forces, while disbanded, were offered positions in the Burma Army under British command co-ordinate to the Kandy conference agreement with Lord Louis Mountbatten in Ceylon in September 1945. Aung San was not invited to negotiate, since the British Governor General, Sir Reginald Dorman-Smith, was debating whether he should exist put on trial for his role in the public execution of a Muslim headman in Thaton during the state of war.^[41] The delegates agreed that the new Burmese army would be composed of v,000 of Aung San's Japanese-trained Bamar soldiers, and 5,000 British-trained soldiers, most of whom were either Mentum, Kachin, or Karen.^[42] Aung San wrote to U Seinda in Arakan, saying that he supported U Seida'south guerrilla fight against the British, but that he would cooperate with them for tactical reasons. After the Kandy Conference, he reorganized his formally disbanded soldiers as a paramilitary organization the People's Volunteer Organization (PVO), which continued to wear uniforms and drill in public. The PVO was personally loyal to Aung San and his party rather than the government. By 1947, the PVO had over 100,000 members.^[43] In January 1946 a victory festival was held in the Kachin capital of Myitkyina. Governor Dorman-Smith was invited to attend, simply neither Aung San nor anyone from his party were, due to "their connectedness with the Burma Independence Army".^[44]

In an audacious move, Aung San turned himself in for the execution of a village headman. Every bit arresting him would hateful a nationwide armed rebellion by the PVO, Dorman-Smith was replaced by a new Governor General of Burma, Sir Hubert Rance. Rance agreed to recognize and negotiate directly with Aung San, perchance to altitude them both from the Communist Party of Burma. He also agreed to appoint Aung San to the position of advisor for defense on the Executive Council (a provisional cabinet made in lieu of the upcoming Burmese national election). On 28 September 1946, Aung San was appointed to the fifty-fifty college position of deputy chairman, making him effectively the 5th Prime Minister of the British-Burma Crown Colony.^[45] Aung San had at get-go worked closely with the Communist Party of Burma, but after they began criticizing him for working with the British he banned all communists from his Anti-Fascist People'south Liberty League on three Nov 1946.^[46]

Aung San-Attlee understanding and the Panglong Briefing [edit]

Aung San was to all intents and purposes Prime Minister, although he was still subject field to a British veto. British Prime number Minister Clement Attlee invited Aung San to visit London in 1947 in order to negotiate the weather of Burmese independence.^[33] At a press conference during a stopover in Delhi,^[13] while on the way to run into Attlee in London,^[46] he stated that the Burmese wanted "consummate independence" and not dominion status, and that they had "no inhibitions of whatsoever kind" well-nigh "contemplating a tearing or non-violent struggle or both" in social club to reach information technology. He concluded that he hoped for the best, but was prepared for the worst.^[xiii] He arrived in U.k. past air in January 1947 along with his deputy Tin can Tut, who he considered his brightest official. Attlee and Aung San signed their understanding on the terms of Burmese independence on 27 January; following the Burmese election in 1947 Burma would bring together the British Commonwealth (like Canada and Australia), though its authorities would take the option to get out, its regime would control the Burmese Regular army in one case Allied armies had withdrawn, a constitutional associates would be drawn upwards as presently as possible, with the resulting constitution presented to the British parliament as soon as possible, and Britain would nominate Burma'south entrance into the newly founded United nations.^[33] The agreement was non unanimous: ii other delegates who attended the conference, U Saw and Thakin Ba Sein, refused to sign it, and it was denounced in Burma by Aung San'due south critics, including Than Tun and Thakin Soe. No delegates representing Burma's indigenous minorities were present, and both Karen and Shan leaders sent messages alert that they would non consider any understanding signed at the briefing legally binding to their communities.^[47]

2 weeks after the signing of the agreement with United kingdom of great britain and northern ireland, Aung San signed an agreement at the second Panglong Conference on 12 February 1947, with leaders representing the Shan, Kachin, and Chin People. In this understanding these leaders agreed to bring together a united independent Burma, under the condition that they would accept "full autonomy"^[48] and the right to secede in 1958, afterwards ten years. Karen leaders were non consulted and were not a part of the understanding. They hoped for a divide Karen Land within the British Empire.^[49] The engagement of the signing of the Panglong Agreement has been historic in Burma as "Wedlock Day", fifty-fifty though Ne Win finer dissolved any agreement with Burma's minority communities following his coup in 1962.^{[l] [51]}

The general election held in April 1947 was not ideal; the Karens,^[49] Mon,^[52] and most of Aung San'due south other political opponents boycotted the process. Since they ran virtually unopposed, every delegate in Aung San'due south party was elected.^[49] In the finish Aung San's AFPFL won 176 out of the 210 seats in the Constituent Assembly, while the Karens won 24, the Communists vi, and the Anglo-Burmans 4.^[53] In July, Aung San convened a series of conferences at Sorrenta Villa in Rangoon to discuss the rehabilitation of Burma.

Following the 1947 election Aung San began to form his own cabinet. In improver to indigenous Burmese statesmen like himself and Tin Tut, he also persuaded the Karen leader Mahn Ba Khaing, the Shan Primary Sao Hsam Htun, and the Tamil Muslim leader Abdul Razak to join his cabinet. No Communists were invited to participate.^[54]

Bump-off [edit]

In the final years of the British assistants of Burma, Aung San became proficient friends with the second-last Governor of Burma, Colonel Sir Reginald Dorman-Smith, an Anglo-Irishman with whom he would regularly discuss his personal difficulties. In early 1946, approximately a year before his death, Aung San complained to Dorman-Smith that he felt melancholic, that he did not experience shut to his quondam friends in the Burmese military, that he had many enemies, and that he was worried that someone would attempt to assassinate him shortly.^[55]

A little after 10:30 AM on 19 July 1947, a unmarried ground forces jeep carrying armed gunmen in military fatigues drove into the courtyard of the Secretariat Edifice, where Aung San was having a meeting with his new cabinet. There was no wall or gate protecting the authorities edifice,^[54] and although Aung San had been warned that someone may take been plotting to kill him^[56] the sentries guarding the building did non claiming or cease the automobile in any way.^[54] Iv men from the car, armed with three Tommy Guns, a Sten gun,^[57] and grenades, ran up the stairs towards the council sleeping accommodation, shot the baby-sit standing outside, and outburst into the council chamber.^[54] The gunmen shouted, "Remain seated! Don't move!"^[56] Aung San stood upward and was immediately shot in the chest, killing him. The gunmen sprayed the area where he was continuing with gunfire for approximately 30 seconds, killing four other quango members immediately and mortally wounding another iii. Simply three in the room survived.^[54]

The eight other people who died in Aung San'south bump-off were amongst the most promising political leaders in Burma.^{[ citation needed ]} Thakin Mya was a government minister without portfolio who had been a student leader and a close friend of Aung San. Ba Choe, the government minister of information, had been the editor of a prominent nationalist journal. Abdul Razak, a Tamil Muslim, the government minister of education, had been a headmaster. Ba Win, the minister of trade, was Aung San's older brother. Mahn Ba Khaing, the minister of industry, was one of the few Karen politicians non to have boycotted involvement in the new government. Sao Sam Htun, the minister of the Hill Regions, was a Shan prince who had taken an agile atomic number 82 in disarming the other indigenous minorities to join Burma in condign independent. Ohn Maung was a deputy government minister in the ministry of transportation who had merely entered the conference room to evangelize a written report before the assassination. Abdul Razak's 18-year-old bodyguard, Ko Htwe, was killed before the gunmen entered the room.^[58] Burma'due south last pre-Earth State of war II Prime Government minister, U Saw (who had himself lost an eye surviving an assassination effort in late 1946),^[33] was arrested for the murders the same solar day.^[59] U Saw was subsequently tried and hanged for his responsibility in the assassination, simply there accept been many other claims of responsibility from multiple parties ever since Aung San'southward death. Some claimed that a rogue faction in the British intelligence service was responsible.^[60]

A variation on the theory that the British were involved in Aung San'southward assassination was given new life in an influential, but sensationalist, documentary circulate by the BBC on the 50th anniversary of the bump-off in 1997. What did emerge in the course of the investigations at the fourth dimension of the trial, nonetheless, was that several depression-ranking British officers had sold firearms to a number of Burmese politicians, including U Saw. Shortly later on U Saw's confidence, Helm David Vivian, a British Army officer, was sentenced to five years' imprisonment for supplying U Saw with weapons. Vivian was freed from prison when Karen soldiers captured Insein Prison house in May 1949. Co-ordinate to Full general Kyaw Zaw he so lived with the Karen people in Kawkareik until 1950, when he traveled back to Thailand and and so to England, where he lived until his death in 1980. Little information about his motives was revealed either during or after the trial.^[61]

Kin Oung, the son of the deputy police force inspector who arrested U Saw, claimed that U Saw bought the arms found at his firm from the black market afterwards they had been sold by British soldiers, not by the soldiers directly. Kin Oung claimed that the arms, earlier being smuggled into the black market, were in the process of existence transported to Singapore in grooming for their withdrawal from Burma, then U Saw's possession of these weapons was not necessarily evidence of British complicity in Aung San's murder but rather the greed of the individual soldiers. He identified the officer responsible for selling the artillery as Major Lance Dane, merely claimed that Dane and his associates were later "secretly released" after being imprisoned. Kin Oung claimed that the name of one of Aung San's assassins was "Yan Gyi Aung".^[62]

Likewise Aung San, almost of his chiffonier, and U Saw, there were a number of other assassinations and attempted assassinations carried out against other men who had been close to Aung San at that time. Two of these included Aung San'south English lawyer, Frederick Henry, who was murdered in his house, and F. Collins, a individual detective who was investigating Aung San's assassination. Co-ordinate to General Kyaw Zaw, these murders were evidence that somebody was trying to cover upward their involvement in the assassination.^[63] In September 1948, nine months later Burma'due south independence, somebody assassinated Tin Tut, who had been one of Aung San's closest advisors and who at the time was Burma's showtime foreign minister, past throwing a grenade into his machine. The assassins were never caught and nobody was ever charged with his murder.^[64]

Legacy [edit]

For his work towards Burmese independence and uniting the country, Aung San is revered every bit the builder of modernistic Burma and a national hero.

A Martyrs' Mausoleum was built at the foot of the Shwedagon Pagoda in 1947, and 19 July was designated Martyrs' 24-hour interval, a public holiday.^{[65] [66]} Aung San's original mausoleum was destroyed by the blast on 9 October 1983 when the President of S Korea, Chun Doo-hwan was nigh assassinated by Due north Korean agents. Another monument was built in its place.^{[66] [67]} Within months of Aung San's assassination, on 4 Jan 1948, Burma was granted independence. Past Baronial 1948, a civil war began between the Burmese military machine and various insurgents, including communists and indigenous militias. The internal disharmonize inside Myanmar continues to the present day.^{[68] [69]}

Aung San's name had been invoked past successive Burmese governments since independence, until the armed services regime in the 1990s tried to eradicate all traces of Aung San'south memory. Nevertheless, several statues of him adorn the onetime capital Yangon and his portrait withal has a place of pride in many homes and offices throughout the land. Scott Marketplace, Yangon'southward most famous market, was renamed Bogyoke Market in his memory, and Commissioner Road was retitled Bogyoke Aung San Route after independence. These names accept been retained. Many other towns and cities in Burma accept thoroughfares and parks named after him.^[lxx] In the decades following Aung San'due south assassination many people came to view him as a symbol of autonomous reform; during the 8888 Uprising in 1988 against the military machine dictatorship, many protesters carried posters of Aung San as symbols of their movement.^[71] Many people at the time saw Aung San as a symbol of what Burma could have been, but was non at the time: prosperous, democratic, and peaceful.^[72]

In 1962 the Burmese military, led by Ne Win, overthrew the civilian regime in a insurrection and instituted military rule. The Burmese armed services justified the legitimacy of their government partially by citing the legacy of Aung San in leading the country in WWII, when he was both a war machine and politico.^[73] Following his coup Ne Win used official statements and propaganda to promote the idea that, as the leader of the armed forces and a fellow member of the Thirty Comrades, he was the sole legitimate successor of Aung San.^[74]

Banknotes featuring Aung San were first produced in 1958, 10 years after his assassination. The practice continued until the uprising in 1988, when the regime replaced his picture with scenes of Burmese life, mayhap in an try to decrease the popularity of his daughter, Aung San Suu Kyi. In 2017 the Myanmar parliament voted 286–107 in favor of reinstating Aung San'due south paradigm. The new ane,000-kyat notes begetting Aung San's paradigm were produced and released to the public on four Jan 2020, a date chosen to mark the 72nd anniversary of Independence Twenty-four hour period.^[75]

Family [edit]

While he was State of war Minister in 1942, Aung San met and married Khin Kyi, and around the same fourth dimension her sister met and married Thakin Than Tun, the Communist leader. Aung San and Khin Kyi had four children.

Later on Aung San'due south bump-off his widow was appointed Burma'due south ambassador to India, and the family moved away.^[76]

Aung San's youngest surviving child, Aung San Suu Kyi, was only two years one-time when Aung San was assassinated.^[77] She is a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, served as Country Counsellor of Myanmar, was the first female Myanmar Government minister of Foreign Affairs, and is the leader of the National League for Democracy (NLD) political party. Aung San'due south oldest son, Aung San Oo, is an engineer working in the United states who has disagreed with his sis's political activities. Aung San's 2d son, Aung San Lin, died at age viii, when he drowned in an ornamental lake in the grounds of the family's business firm.^{[ citation needed ]}

Aung San's youngest daughter, Aung San Chit, built-in in September 1946, died on 26 September 1946, the same day Aung San got into Governor's Executive quango, a few days after her nativity.^[78] Aung San'south wife Daw Khin Kyi died on 27 Dec 1988.

Names of Aung San [edit]

• Name at birth: Htein Lin ( ထိန်လင်း )
• Every bit student leader and a thakin: Aung San ( သခင်အောင်ဆန်း )
• Nom de guerre: Bo Teza ( ဗိုလ်တေဇ )
• Japanese name: Omoda Monji ( 面田紋次 )
• Resistance menses code name: Myo Aung ( မျိုးအောင် ), U Naung Cho ( ဦးနောင်ချို )
• Contact lawmaking name with General Ne Win: Ko Set Pe ( ကိုဆက်ဖေ )

References [edit]

1. ^ Nay 99, 106
2. ^ ^{a b} Nay 99
3. ^ Nay 100-102
4. ^ Nay 100
5. ^ Nay 102
6. ^ Nay 104
7. ^ Aung
8. ^ ^{a b} Thant 213
9. ^ Nay 106
10. ^ Thant 214
11. ^ Maung Maung 22-23
12. ^ Smith 90
13. ^ ^{a b c d e f} Aung San Suu Kyi (1984). Aung San of Burma. Edinburgh: Kiscadale 1991. pp. i, 10, 14, 17, 20, 22, 26, 27, 41, 44.
14. ^ Smith 54
15. ^ Naw 28-37
16. ^ Naw 36-38
17. ^ Naw 41-43
18. ^ Naw 44
19. ^ ^{a b c d} Smith 58
20. ^ Smith 56-57
21. ^ Naw 45-48
22. ^ Lintner 1990
23. ^ Thant 217
24. ^ Naw 49
25. ^ ^{a b c d} Lintner 2003 41
26. ^ ^{a b c d} Thant 228
27. ^ Smith 57-58
28. ^ Thant 219
29. ^ ^{a b} Thant 229
30. ^ ^{a b c} Smith 59
31. ^ Houtman
32. ^ Lintner 2003 42
33. ^ ^{a b c d} Thant 252
34. ^ Thant 230
35. ^ Thant 252-253
36. ^ Smith threescore
37. ^ Thant 238-240
38. ^ Lintner 2003 73
39. ^ Smith 65
40. ^ Thant 240-241
41. ^ Smith 65-66
42. ^ Thant 244-245
43. ^ Smith 66
44. ^ Smith 73
45. ^ Smith 69
46. ^ ^{a b} Lintner 2003 eighty
47. ^ Smith 77-78
48. ^ Smith 78
49. ^ ^{a b c} Thant 253
50. ^ Smith 79
51. ^ "The Panglong Agreement, 1947". Online Burma/Myanmar Library.
52. ^ South 26
53. ^ Appleton, G. (1947). "Burma Two Years Later on Liberation". International Affairs. Blackwell Publishing. 23 (4): 510–521. JSTOR 3016561.
54. ^ ^{a b c d e} Thant 254
55. ^ Thant 248
56. ^ ^{a b} Lintner 2003 xii
57. ^ "Who Killed Aung San?". The Irrawaddy. 17 July 2017. Retrieved 11 May 2021.
58. ^ Lintner 2003 xii-xiii
59. ^ Lintner 2003 xiii
60. ^ Smith 71-72
61. ^ "WHO KILLED AUNG SAN?". www2.irrawaddy.com . Retrieved 11 May 2021.
62. ^ Kyaw Zwa Moe
63. ^ The Irrawaddy two
64. ^ Thant 270-271
65. ^ Ye Mon and Myat Nyein Aye
66. ^ ^{a b} BBC News
67. ^ Thant 293
68. ^ Thant 258-259
69. ^ Lintner 2003 203
70. ^ Smith 6
71. ^ Thant 33
72. ^ Lintner 2003 342
73. ^ Smith 198-199
74. ^ "From The Archive | Rewards of Independence Remain Elusive". The Irrawaddy. 3 January 2018. Retrieved 11 May 2021.
75. ^ Zaw
76. ^ Rogers 27
77. ^ Thant 333
78. ^ Wintle, Justin (2007). Perfect hostage: a life of Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma'south prisoner of conscience . Skyhorse Publishing. p. 143. ISBN978-1-60239-266-3.

Sources [edit]

• "Democratic people's republic of korea'southward History of Foreign Assassinations and Kidnappings". BBC News. xiv February 2017. Retrieved 19 September 2020.
• Houtman, Gustaaf. "Aung San's Lan-Zin, the Blue Print and the Japanese Occupation of Burma". In Kei Nemoto (ed). Reconsidering the Japanese armed services occupation in Burma (1942–45). Tokyo: Tokyo University of Strange Studies. Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa (ILCAA). 30 May 2007. pp. 179–227. ISBN 978-4-87297-9640, Retrieved 23 Baronial 2020.
• Lintner, Bertil. The Rise and Fall of the Communist Party of Burma. Cornell Southeast Asia Program Publication. 1990
• Lintner, Bertil. Burma in Defection: Opium and Insurgency Since 1948. Chiang Mai, Thaiand: Silkworm Books. 2003.
• Maung Maung. Aung San of Burma. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff for Yale University. 1962.
• Rogers, Bridegroom. Burma: A Nationa at a Crossroads. Great Great britain: Random Business firm. 2012.
• Smith, Martin. Burma: Insurgency and the Politics of Ethnicity. London and New Jersey: Zed Books. 1991.
• South, Ashley. Indigenous Politics in Burma: States of Conflict. New York, NY: Routelage. 2009.
• Stewart, Whitney. Aung San Suu Kyi: Fearless Vocalism of Burma. Twenty-First Century Books. 1997. ISBN 978-0-8225-4931-4
• Thant Myint-U. The River of Lost Footsteps: A Personal History of Burma. London: Faber and Faber Limited. 2008.
• Ye Mon and Myat Nyein Aye. "Martyr's Mausoleum Gets and Upgrade". Myanmar Times. 17 June 2016. Retrieved 14 November 2020.
• Zaw Zaw Htwe. "Gen. Aung San Returns to Myanmar Banknotes After 30-Year Absence". The Irrawaddy. 7 January 2020. Retrieved seven September 2020.

External links [edit]

Wikiquote has quotations related to: Aung San

• Aung San's resolution to the Constituent Assembly regarding the Burmese Constitution, xvi June 1947.
• Kin Oung. Eliminate the Elite – Assassination of Burma's Full general Aung San & his six cabinet colleagues. Uni of NSW Press. Special edition – Australia 2011
• http://www.bogyokeaungsanmovie.org/

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Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aung_San

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